Delphi was founded in the 'navel' of the known world by the Greek
father god Zeus , he released two eagles that circumnavigated the
world, where the two eagles met became the place to talk to their gods
via the oracles or pythos. Apollo had a temple here.Before this, the
major ancient site, a place of pilgrimage for Greeks
had been the Gates of Hades or the Underworld.
These Gauls (later some became Galatians) reached Delphi, to attack the Temple of Apollo in mid winter.An inscription near the oracle perhaps from older times was 'Know Thyself'.Delphi became the site of a major temple to Phoebus Apollo, as well as the Pythian Games and the famous prehistoric oracle. Even in Roman times, hundreds of votive statues remained, described by Pliny the Younger and seen by Pausanias.
Carved into the temple were three phrases: γνῶθι σεαυτόν (gnōthi seautón = "know thyself") and μηδέν άγαν (mēdén ágan = "nothing in excess"), and Ἑγγύα πάρα δ'ἄτη (eggýa pára d'atē = "make a pledge and mischief is nigh"), In ancient times, the origin of these phrases was attributed to one or more of the Seven Sages of Greece.
Additionally, according to Plutarch's essay on the meaning of the "E at Delphi"—the only literary source for the inscription—there was also inscribed at the temple a large letter E.Among other things epsilon signifies the number 5.
According to one pair of modern scholars, "The actual authorship of the three maxims set up on the Delphian temple may be left uncertain. Most likely they were popular proverbs, which tended later to be attributed to particular sages."
A great actual and mythic battle began, recorded well after Greece was
under Rome's dominion.
The Greeks had asked the gods for help to protect their sacred temple and treasury which was a focal point of their lives. Accordingly ,the pleas were 'answered' and there were earthquakes and thunderbolts and even rock slides from nearby Mount Parnassus upon the enemy. Still the Celts or Gauls fought on , a famous earlier story to Alexander the Great when he went north of the Danube briefly and met chieftains of the Gauls or Celts , who implied they were only fearful of the sky falling in....so he might have considered them too reckless rather than brave ...he may have thought they might fear him?
The Greeks again asked for divine help. During the night, the Celts were said to 'panic' and fight each other. Pausanias,writing over 300 years later in Roman times ,described the mayhem as "causeless terrors are said to come from the god Pan". Eventually the Celts retreated after suffering grievous losses, 26,000 dead, according to the Greek historian Pausanias in later times. Here is Pausanias describing the battle which was fought with symbolic divine aid (or knowledge of a primal fear of the Celts) as mentioned earlier to Alexander the Great of Macedonia :
Pausanias (geographer), Greek traveller, geographer, and writer
(Description of Greece) of the 2nd century AD. As a Greek writing
under the auspices of the Roman empire, he found himself in an awkward
cultural space, between the glories of the Greek past he was so keen
to describe and the realities of a Greece beholden to Rome as a
dominating imperial force. His work bears the marks of his attempt to
navigate that space and establish an identity for Roman Greece.
Pausanias has the instincts of an antiquary.
Ptolemy Keraunos (Greek: Πτολεμαῖος Κεραυνός, died 279 BC) was the
arrogant ,murderous King of Macedon from 281 BC to 279 BC. His epithet
Keraunos is Greek for "Thunder" or "Thunderbolt".
See more on him here:
However, although Keraunos was at the zenith of his power, he did not live long afterwards. In 279 BC he was captured and killed (beheaded) during the wars against the Gauls led by Bolgios ("Lightening" ) who conducted a series of mass raids against Macedon and the rest of Greece.His death brought anarchy to the Greek states, since none of his successors were able to bring stability. This situation lasted about two years, until Antigonos Gonatas defeated the Gauls in the battle near Lysimachia, Thrace, in 277 BC, After this victory he was recognized king of Macedon and his power extended eventually also to south Greece.
The Antigonid dynasty was a dynasty of Hellenistic kings descended from Alexander the Great's general Antigonus I Monophthalmus ("the One-eyed"). It was one of four dynasties established by Alexander's successors, the others being the Seleucid dynasty, Ptolemaic dynasty and Attalid dynasty. The last scion of the dynasty, Perseus of Macedon, who reigned between 179-168 BCE, proved unable to stop the advancing Roman legions and Macedon's defeat at the Battle of Pydna signaled the end of the dynasty.
Spanish language source internet illustration on ancient tribal
Several versions out there, if copyrighted please let me know.
Source is likely to be.... from an interesting book called 'Rome's Enemies 2 Gallic and British Celts', #158 in the Ospreys , Men-At-Arms Series, by Peter Wilcox and Angus MacBride (ISBN: 0850456061), 1985. The paintings, done by McBride, (see his picture here)
are based on literary descriptions and archeological finds and are said to be as accurate as possible at this time. www.flickr.com/photos/ancientgreekmapsandmore/2133688042/
(NO , Not a~vik~ing, they who came from the north, hundreds of years later).See theTaking of the Temple at Delphi by the Gauls, 1885 by Alphonse Cornet a French Academic Classical artist born 1814 - died 1874.
The earliest directly attested examples of a Celtic language are the
Lepontic .Lepontic is an extinct Alpine language that was spoken in
parts of Rhaetia and Cisalpine Gaul between 550 and 100 BC. It is
generally regarded as a Celtic language, although its exact
classification within Celtic, or even within the western Indo-European
languages, has been the object of debate...
inscriptions, beginning from the 6th century BC.The Continental Celtic languages were spoken by the people known to Roman and Greek writers as Keltoi,...
are attested only in inscriptions and place-names. Insular Celtic is attested from about the 4th century AD in ogham inscriptions, although it is clearly much earlier. Literary tradition begins with Old Irish from about the 8th century. Coherent texts of Early Irish literature. Early Irish literature-The earliest Irish authors:It is unclear when literacy first came to Ireland. The earliest Irish writings are inscriptions, mostly simple memorials, on stone in the ogham alphabet, the earliest of which date to the fourth century..., such as the Táin Bó Cúailnge (a legendary tale from early Irish literature, often considered an epic, although it is written primarily in prose rather than verse)...(The Cattle Raid of Cooley), survive in 12th-century recensions. According to the theory of Professor John T. Koch is an American academic, historian and linguist who specializes in Celtic studies, especially prehistory and the early Middle Ages....
and others.The Tartessian language, also known as Southwestern or South Lusitanian, is a Paleohispanic language once spoken in the southwest of the Iberian Peninsula: mainly in the south of Portugal , but also in Spain...may have been the earliest directly attested Celtic language with the Tartessian written script used in the inscriptions based on a version of a Phoenician script in use around 825 BC.
GREEK RELIEF writing on tablet 3RD BCE
Decree of the town of Cos, Greece. Inscription on stone about the conquest of Delphi by the Gauls under Brennus in March 278 BCE, followed by news of the expulsion of the Gauls from Delphi in the Archaeological Museum, Istanbul, modern Turkey.
Synonyms: Bryth, Gaul: The Raven King
A Brennos , Brennos of the Senones, first appears as the Celtic or Gaulish hero who led the Celtic sack of Rome. During the third century BCE the Celtic expansion led them to the Po valley in Italy. Fearful of this expansion the Etruscans called , on their adversaries, Rome for assistance. The Romans sent three envoys to meet the Celtic leaders. However, one of the Roman envoys killed a Celtic chief and Rome sent an army of 40 000 to meet these 'barbarians'. When the Celts learned of the Roman army moving towards them, Brennos (most likely a chiefly title rather than a real name, like a Duke, see below) marched the Celts off to meet the Romans. The Celts met the Romans at the River Allia, the Romans panicked at the sight of all those crazed Celts, and many Roman soldiers even drowned in the River in attempt to escape. A few made it back to Rome and informed the Senate about the battle at Allia (the date of the battle, July 18, became known as Alliaensis, and was considered thereafter to be a very bad day to do any public activity). The Roman citizens, rightfully fearing that the Celts were headed toward Rome, fled in a panic (much like the soldiers at Allia). By the time the Celts/ Gauls arrived, Rome had been deserted, with the exception of several elderly patricians. These old patricians were sitting in a courtyard, believing that if they were to sacrifice their lives for Rome in its most dire hour of need, Rome's enemies would then be thrown into panic and confusion, and Rome thereby saved. This nearly worked, but the spell of quietude was broken and Rome was looted and the old men killed. They advanced on the Capitol, but were thwarted by plague and a night-time attack was spoiled by cackling of geese. However, about seven months, later the Romans decided to negotiate and the Celts agreed to leave if the Romans would pay them 1,000 pounds of gold. The Celts were accused of using false weights, upon which Brennos (the Celtic chieftain) is said to have thrown his sword on the scales and loudly declare, "Vea victus", or "woe to the defeated".
The early 4th century BCE a vast group of Gauls sacked the city of Rome. Romans gave it up rather easily, actually. Most fled to neighbouring cities like Veii while the Senate, priests, and what was left of the Roman army migrated to the Capitol - defending and taking refuge in the temples there. The Gauls made easy pickings of what they found in the city. According to Livy:
For several days they had been directing their fury only against bricks and mortar. Rome was a heap of smouldering ruins, but something remained - the armed men in the Citadel, and when the Gauls saw that, in spite of everything, they remained unshaken and would never yield to anything but force, they resolved to attempt an assault. At dawn, therefore, on a given signal the whole vast horde assembled in the Forum; then, roaring out their challenge, they locked shields and moved up the slope of the Capitol." (5.43)
The Romans, however, used the advantage of being at the top of the hill and managed to beat the Gauls back. Yet the Gauls were determined and even though they had destroyed most of the food and supplies in their initial sack of the city, they began a siege on the hill.
During all of this, officials in Veii were determined to get a message through to the Roman Senate - despite the fact that the Senate was under siege. As the old saying goes, 'if there's a will, there's a way', and a young Roman soldier named Pontius Cominus managed to do it. "Floating on a life-buoy down the river to Rome, he took the shortest way to the Capitol up and over a bluff so steep that the Gauls had never thought of watching it." (5.46) But the Gauls did find out about it and figured if he could do it, then they should all be able to do it too.
One starlit night, they made the attempt. Having first sent an unarmed man to reconnoitre the route, they began the climb. It was something of a scramble: at the awkward spots a man would get a purchase for his feet on a comrade below him, then haul him up in his turn - weapons were passed up from hand to hand as the lie of the rocks allowed - until by pushing and pulling on another they reached the top. What is more, they accomplished the climb so quietly that the Romans on guard never heard a sound, and even the dogs - who are normally aroused by the least noise in the night - noticed nothing. It was the geese that saved them - Juno's sacred geese, which in spite of the dearth of provisions had not been killed. The cackling of the birds and the clapping of their wings awoke Marcus Manlius - a distinguished officer who had been consul three years before - and he, seizing his sword and giving the alarm, hurried, without waiting for the support of his bewildered comrades, straight to the point of danger. (5.46)
And that is either Roman spin or real history of how the sacred geese
of Juno saved Rome - since after that last attempt, the lack of food
forced the Gaul to accept payment from the Romans to leave the city
While Brennus I was evil personified to the Romans, he was a hero to
"Other Greek and Roman synchronisms have a more obvious
historical symbolism, as may be the casewith the Polybian synchronism
we saw above, between Dionysius’s siege of
Rhegium and the Gallic sack of Rome."
REFOUNDING THE CITY:
ENNIUS, LIVY, AND VIRGIL
The city of Rome has now been successfully founded in historical time—whether
that time is focalized as Greek or Roman—but we have not yet reached the end of
the story. As everyone knows, the city of Rome kept having to be re-founded, and
the patterns of refoundation drastically reconfigure the trajectory of movement
from myth to history that we have been following so far.188
Ennius’s most explicit surviving allusion to the date of the foundation of the city
in fact comes at the moment when the city had just been virtually destroyed, and
was on the verge of vanishing from history, after the sack by the Gauls in 387/6
b.c.e.189 The context is a speech in which Camillus persuades the Senate not to
move to Veii, but to refound the city instead (154–55 Skutsch):
Septingenti sunt paulo plus aut minus anni
augusto augurio postquam incluta condita Roma est.
It is seven hundred years, a little more or a little less,
since famous Rome was founded by august augury.
How this seven-hundred-year period between Romulus’s foundation and the sack
of Rome by the Gauls actually worked remains a mystery, at least to me.190 Still, we
should not overlook the symbolic significance of this number in its own right. The
importance of the seven-hundred-year period has been very well illustrated in the
fascinating book Die rhetorische Zahl, written by a scholar with the gloriously apt
name of Dreizehnter.191 Dreizehnter does not mention this passage of Ennius, but
he collects a great deal of interesting material about seven hundred years as the life
span of a city or an empire from foundation to extinction, or from foundation to
virtual extinction or only just-escaped extinction. In various traditions that he
examines there were seven hundred years from the foundation to the destruction
of Melos, Carthage, and Macedonia, or from the foundation to the virtual extinc-
(Myth into History I: Foundations of the city)
tion of Sparta.192 What we see in the Ennius passage, in other words, is that the city
was virtually destroyed and came within an ace of fulfilling the seven-hundred year
doom. The point will have been accentuated by Ennius’s book divisions.
Camillus’s speech comes at the end of book 4, and the regal period ended with
book 3, so that up to this point in the Annales we have had only one self-contained
volume of Republican history, and if things had gone differently that might have
been all we had.193
Livy activates the power of this Ennian symbolic numeral, even as he corrects
Ennius’s dating, with his allusion to the seven hundred years of Rome (Pref. 4):
Res est praeterea et immensi operis, ut quae supra septingentesimum annum
repetatur et quae ab exiguis profecta initiis eo creuerit ut iam magnitudine
In addition, the matter is of immeasurable scope, in that it must be taken back
past the seven hundredth year, and having started from small beginnings has
grown to the stage that it is now laboring under its own size.194
Chaplin has argued that Livy’s preface is constructing recent Roman history as a
death, with a possible rebirth to come:195 the Republic has been destroyed, and the
Romans of Livy’s time are like the Romans of Camillus’s time, faced with the task
of refounding the city after it has only just escaped its seven-hundred-year doom.
In Livy’s treatment of the Roman response to the sack of the city by the Gauls,
we can see him returning to the Ennian theme of rebirth from destruction,
although this time using different significant numbers. Having exploited the numinous
associations of Ennius’s seven hundred years in his preface, Livy now produces
another numinous numeral for the span from foundation to sack, one that
conforms with the modern orthodox chronology. Livy has Camillus deliver a
mighty speech to convince his fellow citizens not to abandon Rome for the site of
Veii (5.51–54).196When Livy’s Camillus echoes Ennius’s by counting off the years
since the foundation, it appears that some kind of great year has gone by. From
Romulus’s foundation down to the sack by the Gauls there have been as many
years as there are days in a year: Trecentensimus sexagensimus quintus annus urbis,
Quirites, agitur (“This is the 365th year of the city, Quirites,” 5.54.5). This is of
course a calculation that fully resonates only after Caesar’s reform of the calendar,
when a Roman year for the first time had 365 days.This counting places
Camillus’s refounding of the city at a pivotal point in time, precisely halfway
(Refounding the City: Ennius, Livy, Virgil . 101)
between the first founding of the city, in 753, and the refounding that faces Livy
and his contemporaries 365 years after Camillus, in the 20s b.c.e.198 Exactly the
same structuring appears to underpin the panorama of Roman history on Virgil’s
Shield of Aeneas, where the barely averted destruction of Rome by the Gauls (Aen.
8.652–62) comes midway in time between the foundation of the city (8.635) and
the barely averted destruction of Rome by Antonius and Cleopatra (8.671–713).199
In all of these authors, city destruction, whether achieved or barely averted,
leads to refoundation and consequent reconfiguring of identity, in a process that
begins with Troy and continues through the fates of Alba Longa, Veii, and Rome
itself.200 As Kraus has shown, when Livy begins his next book after the Gallic sack,
he refounds his narrative along with the city, capitalizing on the annalistic tradition’s
identification of the city and history.201 In an extraordinary moment, the
opening sentences of book 6 tell us that only now is real history beginning. All of
the material in the first five books, Livy now declares, has been “obscure because
of its excessive antiquity” (uetustate nimia obscuras), and because there were few
written records in those early days, while the ones that did exist “for the most part
were destroyed when the city was burnt” (incensa urbe pleraeque interiere, 6.1.2).
Everything up until this point, from Troy to the Gallic sack, is suddenly reconfigured
as prior, prefoundational. In his preface Livy had drawn a line between myth
and history around the time of the Romulean foundation of the city (ante conditam
condendamue urbem, 6), but “the fresh start in 390 redraws the limits of the historically
verifiable.”202We now have a new entry into history, with a newly rebuilt city
and a newly solid evidential base for its written commemoration (6.1.3):
Clariora deinceps certioraque ab secunda origine uelut ab stirpibus laetius
feraciusque renatae urbis gesta domi militiaeque exponentur.
From here there will be a more clear and definite exposition of the domestic
and military history of the city, reborn from a second origin, as if from the
old roots, with a more fertile and fruitful growth.203
Livy here is picking up on the annalistic history of Claudius Quadrigarius, who
had written about fifty years earlier. We know that Claudius began his history with
the sack of Rome by the Gauls, no doubt on the grounds we see alluded to in Livy,
that no history was possible before then, thanks to the destruction of monuments
We have already seen how the Roman tradition picks up demarcations that are
102 . Myth into History I: Foundations of the City
crucial from the Greek tradition—Troy and the first Olympiad—and recasts
them as transitions into a new, Roman, phase of history. The Gallic sack is a vital
addition to this series of watersheds. The first key fixed synchronistic point in
Timaeus and Polybius that makes it possible for Roman history to be properly connected
with Greek history, the Gallic sack is itself made to serve as the “beginning
of history” in Claudius Quadrigarius and Livy book 6.205 The very event that almost
expunged Rome altogether is the one that put the city on the world stage—
just as the destruction of Troy led to the city’s existence in the first place.206
Ovid intuited the power of these associated watersheds of foundation and Gallic
sack, and his subtle deployment of them in the Metamorphoses is proof of their
understood significance. Before he arrives at the foundation of Rome in book 14,
he has a very small number of proleptic references to the as yet nonexistent city.
Book 1 contains two forward references to his own day, with the poem’s first simile
referring to the reign of Augustus (1.199–205), and the story of Apollo and
Daphne likewise anticipating the reign of Augustus, as Apollo prophesies the use
of his sacred laurel to grace Roman triumphs and adorn Augustus’s house (1.560–
63). His only other proleptic references to the city before the foundation in book
14 occur in book 2, and they are both references to the city only just escaping total
catastrophe, catastrophes that would have ensured the city was never part of world
history. One is in a cosmic setting, when the natural site of the city is almost
expunged, as the Tiber is dried up along with other rivers by Phaethon’s chariot
(2.254–59); the other is an allusion to the geese that “were to save the Capitol with
their wakeful cry” (seruaturis uigili Capitolia uoce/ . . . anseribus, 2.538–39).207
Again, in the Fasti, when the gods meet in council to deliberate how to save Rome
from the Gauls, Ovid takes as his template the Ennian council that deliberated over
the foundation of the city: in both cases, Mars expostulates with his father, Jupiter,
and is assured that all will be well.208
It is highly significant that these two events, the city’s foundation and near
destruction by the Gauls, are the only “historical” events commemorated on the
Republican calendar, the Fasti Antiates.209 Calendrical fasti from the Principate
mention all kinds of events, but the Fasti Antiates, the only calendar we have surviving
from the Republic, mark only two historical events: 21 April, the Parilia and
the foundation of the city, and 18 July, the dies Alliensis, the day of the battle of the
Allia, when the Roman army was scattered by the advancing Gauls on their way
to the city, which they entered on the next day.210
The foundation of the city and its near extinction by the Gauls are symbolically
joined events, linked by significant numbers, either 700 or 365, linked by themes of
Refounding the City: Ennius, Livy, Virgil . 103
refoundation and rebirth. The history of the city keeps getting restarted at such
crucial transition moments, when repetitive patterns of quasi-cyclical destruction
and refoundation replay themselves, in a fascinating interplay between a drive for
onward narrative continuity and the threat of eddying, repetitious, circularity.211 It
is poignant to observe the power of this theme still persisting in the fifth century
c.e., when Rutilius Namatianus, six years after the sack of Rome by the Visigoths
in 410 c.e., can hail Rome’s potential to bounce back from disaster, citing its eventual
defeat of Brennus, who led the Gauls to the sack of Rome, and of the Samnites,
Pyrrhus, and Hannibal:212 “You, Rome, are built up,” he claims, “by the very thing
that undoes other powers: the pattern of your rebirth is the ability to grow from
your calamities” (illud te reparat quod cetera regna resoluit:/ordo renascendi est
crescere posse malis, 139–40). Each of these key marker moments in time may become
a new opportunity for the community to reimagine itself, as the epochal moment
produces a new beginning point from which the community may imagine its
progress forward into time, measured against its backward extension into time.213
The Gauls in the Italia peninsula .Clusium was reached by the Gauls,
who had invaded most of Etruria already, and its people turned to Rome
for help. However, the Roman embassy provoked a skirmish and, then,
the Gauls marched straight for Rome (July, 387 BC). After the entire
Roman army was defeated at the Allia brook (Battle of the Allia), the
defenseless Rome was seized by the invaders. The entire Roman army
retreated into the deserted Veii whereas most civilians ended at the
Etruscan Caere. Nonetheless, a surrounded Roman garrison continued to
resist on the Capitoline Hill. The Gauls dwelt within the city,
getting their supplies by destroying all nearby towns for plunder.When
the Gauls went for Ardea, the exiled Camillus, who was now a private
man, organized the local forces for a defense. Particularly, he
harangued that, always, the Gauls exterminated their defeated enemies.
Camillus found that the Gauls were too distracted, celebrating their
latest spoils with much 'crapulence' at their camp. Then, he attacked
during a night, defeating the enemy easily with great bloodshed.He is
thus considered the second founder of Rome.Camillus was hailed then by
all other Roman exiles throughout the region. After he refused a
makeshift generalship, a Roman messenger sneaked into the Capitol and,
therein, Camillus was officially appointed dictator by the Roman
Senators, to confront the Gauls.At the Roman base of Veii, Camillus
gathered a 12,000-man army whereas more men joined out of the region.
The occupying Gauls were in serious need, under quite poor health
conditions. As the Roman Dictator, Camillus negotiated with the Gallic
leader Brennus, and the Gauls left Rome, camping nearby at the
Gabinian road. A day after this, Camillus confronted them with his
refreshed army and the Gauls were forced to withdraw, after seven
months of occupation (386 BC).
Camillus sacrificed for the successful return and he ordered the construction of the temple of Aius Locutius. Then, he subdued another claim of the plebeian orators, who importuned further about moving to Veii. After ordering a Senate debate, Camillus argued for staying and the Roman house approved this unanimously. The reconstruction extended for an entire year.
By this one-year office, Camillus was the longest of all Roman dictators. Basically, the Senators had been persuaded by the disturbing social clashes, which could be better managed by Camillus. Instead, Camillus disliked this and, vainly, he requested the dismissal.
Roman dictator (367 BC)
As the Gauls were, again, marching toward Latium, all Romans reunited despite their severe differences. Camillus was named Roman dictator for the fifth time then (367 BC). He organized the defense of Rome actively. By the commands of Camillus, the Roman soldiers were protected particularly against the Gallic main attack, the heavy blow of their swords. Both smooth iron helmets and brass rimed shields were built. Also, long pikes were used, to keep the enemy's swords far.
The Gauls camped at the Anio river, carrying loads of recently gotten plunder. Near them, at the Alban Hills, Camillus discovered their disorganization, which was due to unruly celebrations. Before the dawn, then, the light infantry disarrayed the Gallic defenses and, subsequently, the heavy infantry and the pikemen of the Romans finished their enemy. After the battle, Velitrae surrendered voluntarily to Rome. Back in Rome, Camillus celebrated with another Triumph.
A deadly pestilence struck Rome and it affected most Roman public figures. Camillus was amongst them, passing away in 365 BC.
Source: Plutarch, The Parallel Lives - The Life of Camillus:
In popular culture
Marcus Furius Camillus was played by Massimo Serato in the 1963 film 'Brennus, Enemy of Rome'.
BC 400's Celts from the Alps flowed into Italy ....
Herodotus of Halicarnassus reported a merchant from Samos named Colacus was driven off course by tides and winds when trading off the African shore. He landed at the Tartessus (modern River Guadalquivir in southern Spain) where he found tribes of Keltoi working the silver mines
396 BC Celts defeated the Etruscans at Melpum (Melzo, west of Milan)
390 Senones Celts ('the veterans') led by Brennos (Latinate: Brennus) defeated the Romans in Rome (July 19) so badly it took the Romans 200 years to recover from the 'terror Gallicus'. After seven months and a ransom of 100 pounds of gold, the Celts moved along to Picenum on Italy's eastern seaboard.
Ephoros of Cyme reported the Celts occupied an area the size of the Indian sub-continent.
334-335 Alexander of Macedonia met the Celts on the Danube banks to make an agreement: The Celts would not attack his empire while he was off conquering in the east. Only after his death they expanded to Moravia and Thrace .
Along with Bolgios, Brennos II was the legendary leader of other Celts on their invasion of Macedonia in the second century BCE. Though Bolgios led the invasion of Macedonia , Brennus succeeded in crossing his whole army over the river Sperchios into Greece proper, where he laid seige to the town of Heraclea and, having driven out the garrison there, marched on to Thermopylae where he defeated an army raised by a confederation of Greek cities. Brennus then avanced across Greece, where he decided to go on to Delphi, which was reported as the treasure house of Greece. Brennus and his army of 30,000 set off to attack the temple of Apollo, the ultimate goal of his expedition. Here it is said that Brennos was defeated by earthquakes and thunderbolts that reduced the soldiers to ashes; snow storms, showers of great stones, and "ancient heroes appearing from the heavens". In the midst of this snowstorm, Brennos and his men were attacked near the Parnassus mountains. The Celts were soundly defeated and Brennos was mortally wounded. As he lay dying, he gave the order for all of the wounded to be killed, and all the booty to be burned, as the army would never make it home if they had to carry the wounded warriors and their plunder. After giving the order, Brennos drank some wine and then took his own life. (? Source)
The Description of Greece
Pausanias (fl. 2nd c. CE) XIX.
 "I have made some mention of the Gallic invasion of Greece in my description of the Athenian Council Chamber. But I have resolved to give a more detailed account of the Gauls in my description of Delphi, because the greatest of the Greek exploits against the barbarians took place there. The Celts conducted their first foreign expedition under the leadership of Cambaules. Advancing as far as Thrace they lost heart and broke off their march, realizing that they were too few in number to be a match for the Greeks. "...........
10]" When the Gallic horsemen were engaged, the servants remained behind the ranks and proved useful in the following way. Should a horseman or his horse fall, the slave brought him a horse to mount; if the rider was killed, the slave mounted the horse in his master's place; if both rider and horse were killed, there was a mounted man ready. When a rider was wounded, one slave brought back to camp the wounded man, while the other took his vacant place in the ranks.
 I believe that the Gauls in adopting these methods copied the Persian regiment of the Ten Thousand, who were called the Immortals. There was, however, this difference. The Persians used to wait until the battle was over before replacing casualties, while the Gauls kept reinforcing the horsemen to their full number during the height of the action. This organization is called in their native speech trimarcisia, for I would have you know that marca3 is the Celtic name for a horse. "
(Addit :we know from Celtic myth this was indigenous to the confederacy of Celtic tribes as on Gundestrup Cauldron ,warrior plate)
 "This was the size of the army, and such was the intention of Brennos, when he attacked Greece. The spirit of the Greeks was utterly broken, but the extremity of their terror forced them to defend Greece. They realized that the struggle that faced them would not be one for liberty, as it was when they fought the Persian, and that giving water and earth would not bring them safety. They still remembered the fate of Macedonia, Thrace and Paeonia during the former incursion of the Gauls, and reports were coming in of enormities committed at that very time on the Thessalians. So every man, as well as every state, was convinced that they must either conquer or perish. "
Attalus I (Greek: Ἄτταλος), surnamed Soter (Greek: Σωτὴρ, "Savior"; 269 BC – 197 BC) ruled Pergamon, an Ionian Greek polis (what is now Bergama, Turkey), first as dynast, later as king, from 241 BC to 197 BC. He was the second cousin and the adoptive son of Eumenes I, whom he succeeded, and was the first of the Attalid dynasty to assume the title of king in 238 BC.He was the son of Attalus and his wife Antiochis.
Attalus won an important victory over the Galatians, newly arrived Celtic tribes from Thrace, who had been, for more than a generation, plundering and exacting tribute throughout most of Asia Minor without any serious check. This victory, celebrated by the triumphal monument at Pergamon, famous for its 'Dying Galatian' or 'Gaul' statue , and the liberation from the Gallic "terror" which it represented, earned for Attalus the name of "Soter", and the title of "king". A courageous and capable general and loyal ally of Rome, he played a significant role in the first and second Macedonian Wars, waged against Philip V of Macedon.
Etymologically Brennos is related to Brân and is related to the
reconstructed proto-Celtic lexical elements *brano- (raven) -n- (the
deicific particle) and os (the masculine ending). Thus Brennos is
literally the 'Raven God'. However, the bren part of the name is also
the root for one Cymric word for king brenhin and Brennos can be
rendered as 'Raven King'. Which also leads to the supposition that
'Brennos', rather than being a proper name is actually an honorific
denoting 'battle lord'. Raven gods being tribal leaders in the time of
war so a Celtic war leader would take-on the name of such a deity.
Indeed, the modern Cymric for king is brenin a word derived from
An actual late Iron Age helmet like this has been located in ancient Dacia , Translyvania , now modern Roumania/ Romania the Helmet of Ciumeşti.
As one of the styles depicted on the Celtic Gundestrup Cauldron.
Wilcox and McBride mentioned that their illustration of the iron Gallic warrior's helmet of the middle La Tene period had been reconstructed the on the basis of the Ciumesti helmet.